Пост 83. Вермеер и Дельфтская школа. Часть 2. Дельфт и искусство до 1600 года, Вальтер Лидтке, 29

16. As noted in Delft 1979-80, p. 58, the date 1614 on the tablet speaks against the assumption (MacLaren/Brown 1991, p. 200) that "the stone tablet seen above the archway [in De Hooch's courtyard view of 1658; cat. no. 30 here] was originally over the entrance to the Hieronymusdale [sic] Cloister in Delft.'

17. On the Convent of Mary Magdalene and its use in the seventeenth century, see Delft 1979-80, pp. 55-56, and Delft 1981, pp. 38-39, 125-26 (p. 126 on the location of Van Miereveld's canvas, mentioned below).

18. On the fortunes of these various cloisters, see H. C. Brouwer's essay "De verdwenen kloosters uit de Delftse binnenstad" in Delft 1979-80, pp. 54-59, and the same author's review of the architectural consequences in Delft 1981, pp. 37-40. See also H. Janse's essay on surviving chapels in Delft, "Middeleeuwse kapellen:' in Meischke et al. 1967, pp. 32-51. There were also large

monasteries just outside of Delft: those of Sion, the Carthusians, and others; see Delft 1979-80, pp. 59-67.

I9. On sixteenth-century houses in Delft, see Temminck Groll 1967 and W. F. Weve, "Woonhuizen”, in Delft 1979-80, pp. 74-80. The Vleeshal is discussed briefly in Meischke 1967, pp. 181-82.

20. This paragraph is based mainly upon two essays in Delft 1979-80, pp. 92-100: "Delft omstreeks 1400" by D. E. H. de Boer and especially "De sociaaleconomische situatie in de zestiende eeuw'' by M. A. Kok.

21. The quote is from Fuchs 1978, p. 43, where Vermeer is grouped with Hals, Rembrandt, Steen, and others who "painted basically for a local [monolithic?] public.” On the same page Fuchs observes, "This middle-class culture, of people

who did not speak French or Latin and who were not educated with the humanist reverence for classical antiquity, consisted of simple religion and popular lore - expressed in farce, proverbs, jokes, popular theatre - which, as far as can be judged from literary remains, usually had a rather crude, realistic quality.” For a more nuanced overview, see Westermann 1996, chap. I, especially pp. 33-45.

22. See Keblusek 1997, p. 17, citing earlier sources (this reference was kindly brought to my attention by Edwin Buijsen ). It is true that The Hague suffered from Spanish onslaughts in the period 1572-76, and the various branches of government moved temporarily to Delft, Amsterdam, and Utrecht.

23. On the guilds as patrons, see Montias 1982, pp. 13-14.

24. As noted in Bangs 1997, p. 10, much was saved in the Nieuwe Kerk through the intervention of city magistrates, but tl1e Oude Kerk lost its high altar and other ornaments in 1566.

25. See especially the essay "Delftse handschriften en boekverluchring" by J.G.C. Venner and C. A. Chavannes-Mazel, in Delft 1979-80, pp. 134-38, figs. 240-51, and two chapters in Utrecht, New York 1980-8I: chap. 7 ("Delft Masters, ca. 1430-1480") by W.C. M. Wustefeld, and chap. 11 ("Delft Masters, ca. 1475-1500") by H.L.M. Defoer. Whether the local style represents a "Delft School" or a more regional "South Holland tradition;' one of the key issues for the seventeenth century, is also debated with regard to manuscript painting in the fifteenth century (as noted by Chavannes-Mazel, p. 137).

26. On these printers, see the essay "Drukkers en uitgevers te Delft: De eerste eeuw” by P. Vallcema Blouw, in Delft 1979-80, pp. 138-43, figs. 252-58. The Master of the Virgin among Virgins (or Virgo inter Virgines) is discussed along with the Master of Delft and the Master of the Spes Nostra in the following essay in Delft 1979-80, "Schilderkunst in Delft tot 1572”, pp. 143-47, by G. Th. M. Lemmens. See Cuttler 1968, pp. 165-67, for a useful characterization of the Master of the Virgin among Virgins.

27. G. Th. M. Lemmens in Delft 1979-80, pp. 144-45, places particular emphasis on the artist's "southern" characteristics, such as his architectonic settings and handling of landscapes. A similar arrangement of symmetrical figures and a cloister exterior is found in the Master of the Spes Nostra's altarpiece Four Augustinian Canons Meditating beside an Open Grave (Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam), which was painted about 1500 for the Convent of Holy Mary, Mother of God in Sion, near Delft; see Van Thiel et al. 1976, p. 637, and Delft 1979-80, pp. 146-47, fig. 111, and pp. 64-67, on "Het ldooster Sion”

28. See Bangs 1997, p. 118, where the author makes an ill-considered swipe at Friedlander. The portrait, which is only attributed to the Master of the Virgin among Virgins, is in the Ackland Art Museum, Chapel Hill, North Carolina; it is reproduced in Delft 1979-80, fig. 261 (mentioned on p. 144), and in Montias 1982, fig. 1.

29. Davies 1968, pp. 105-7, and G. Th. M. Lemmens in Delft 1979-80, p. 146, fig. 267.

30. The miniature is in a Book of Hours, ms. 1857 (fol. 14v), in the Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna; see Cutder 1968, pp. 187-88, fig. 235. Another example of the Master of Delft's handling of an architectural interior is Christ Taking Leave of His Mother (on loan from the Rijksdienst Beeldende Kunst, The Hague, to the Prinsenhof, Delft); see Delft 1979-80, p. 146, fig. 268.

31. As noted in Delft 1962, under no. 4, four Augustinian monks appear in the background. One is tempted to compare the naturalism of such a partial view in a church interior to Delft examples of the 1650-x, but the approach is found in the work of various Northern European artists before Italian Renaissance conventions were adopted (see Lieddce 1982a, p. 37, n. 11, on Altdorfer). For a comparable view with similar architecture (except for the triforium), see the photograph of the choir of Utrecht Cathedral in Vermeulen 1928-41, vol. I, fig. 125.

32. Montias 1982, p. 14, with other examples.

33. Cuttler (1968, p. 166) refers to the Master of the Virgin among Virgins's expressive figural groups as "a curious success, curious because it was achieved despite some occasionally shocking displays of drawing."